Throughout the book I assert that in instances of conflict that does not occur on United States soil, it is the responsibility of international organizations (not their individual member nations) to intervene.

In the time since the book went to print, the Bush administration got the Czech Republic to agree to host the controversial missile base which Russia had blocked from being installed in Poland; and the bids of Georgia and Ukraine to join NATO were not rejected outright but indefinitely postponed. (Update: following the incidents which are the subject of this entry, Poland has now agreed to host a portion of the missile shield in question, and Russia has threatened in no uncertain terms to use military force against Poland should it follow through with this agreement.)

Now there is a growing military conflict pitting the military might of Russia against its neighbor and former vassal, Georgia.

Russia claims the fighting started when Georgian military forces launched an operation against South Ossetia, a Georgian province which revolted some fifteen years ago and has been essentially independent since then. If this is true, I maintain that Russia should have at least made an appeal to the international community before unilaterally sending 20,000 armed troops across the border.

Speaking on the BBC this morning, a Georgian foreign minister asserted that Georgia originally mobilized its forces when its reconnaissance observed Russian tanks rolling across the international border into South Ossetia, an act which Georgia interpreted as an act of aggression against its sovereign territory. Even if South Ossetia should be considered an independent state, Georgia might reasonably have felt threatened by the approach of a large Russian military contingent.

In the book I support the right of various regions to declare their independence; so, if this story was about Georgia trying to re-take a rebellious province, I would side with the rebel province. However, the fact is that this story appears to be about Russia trying to re-take a former province of its empire.

Russia has clearly crossed the line, and at this writing has indisputably invaded Georgian territory, taking a military base and, according to some reports, controlling the strategic Georgian city of Gori, a mere 60 miles from the Georgian capital of Tblisi. Russia has bombed a number of Georgian cities, opened a second front of their invasion of Georgia, and mobilized its navy to blockade Georgia’s coast on the Black Sea. These things have absolutely nothing to do with South Ossetia and are completely concerned with establishing military control over Georgia.

It seems obvious that Russia’s actions have been undertaken with the intent of re-establishing some of its former empire. They do not intend to stop until they have established military control over the entire country of Georgia. Russia is upset that Georgia gained independence at the dissolution of the USSR; and Russia was extremely upset when the Georgian Presidential election in 2003 was won democratically by the candidate who was not backed by Russia. Russia’s government is furious that the democracy in Georgia empowered a regime which disagrees with Russian policies and agendas in the region; and more than anything, Russia is livid that Georgia has attempted to join NATO. The present military action against Georgia can only be considered a retaliation for this audacity of independence.

As Russia’s leaders are aware, it hardly matters if they can provide a reasonable justification for invading Georgia, because there is absolutely nothing the world can do to stop them. The world’s security apparatus is set up on a state by state basis, there is no global defense mechanism.

The United Nations has no fast response military peacekeeping force of its own. NATO is completely tied up in its unsuccessful battle against the Taliban in Afghanistan, and the NATO member states have no reserve forces on standby just waiting to be deployed on a peacekeeping mission in Georgia. The United States, although it declares Georgia to be a close ally (on account of Georgia has supplied the third-largest troop contingent to Iraq, after the US and the UK) is certainly in no position to intervene: not only are our forces all tied up in the Middle East, but if we were to intervene, it would certainly escalate this incident into a major world war.

The international community has condemned the fighting and called for a cease-fire, but this is insufficient and these words will not change any real situational facts. Russia has the power and it does not feel compelled to care what other nations say.

Given that Europe depends on Russian fossil fuel exports, it is similarly unlikely that economic sanctions could successfully be imposed against Russia.

Given that Russia has veto power in the United Nations Security Council (a body whose dissolution I suggest in section 3.9), it is unthinkable that the Security Council might pass any kind of resolution against Russia.

Yet such incidents cannot be allowed to pass without consequence. I call upon the world community to impose economic and political sanctions against Russia in a show of solidarity in opposition to military expansionism and empire-building.

This situation demonstrates that the restructuring of international government outlined in chapter three of my book is absolutely essential for the long-term peace and security of the people of the world.